Visiting assistant professor Nasim Basiri, a poet and activist from Dashtestan, Iran, discusses her expert understanding of, and personal connection to, the protests and repression in Iran
On Dec. 28, 2025, long-simmering discontent erupted into massive, nationwide protests in Iran after shopkeepers in Tehran's Grand Bazaar went on strike and closed their shops. While the immediate cause of the unrest was a collapse in Iran's currency, the protests were fueled by anger over inflation, state mismanagement of resources, a decline in the quality of life, and decades of repression. The government responded with a brutal crackdown on protesters, with Amnesty International describing January 2026 as the deadliest period of repression in Iran in decades. The Human Rights Activists News Agency, which has been accurate in tracking multiple outbreaks of unrest in Iran, said at least 6,221 people have been killed and more than 42,300 arrested.
Nasim Basiri, a visiting assistant professor in the Department of Social and Critical Inquiry, has been in exile from Iran for nearly a decade. She has closely followed both the protests and the subsequent government crackdown, and says that one of the most effective tools the Iranian government has to suppress dissent is global indifference to the plight of the Iranian people. She recently spoke with UConn Today about the background to the protests, the ferocity of the government response, and what avenues exist to help the Iranian people. The conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.
Q: While the protests were widely reported to have been triggered by economic pressures - particularly the Iranian currency reaching historic lows against the U.S. dollar - to what extent can they also be understood as a broader expression of dissatisfaction with Iran's theocratic system of governance? Why might this moment, in particular, have intensified public unrest, and what factors beyond economic decline may have served as a tipping point?
A: While worsening economic conditions gave initial momentum to protest beginning in late December 2025, the movement quickly became a nationwide outcry against systemic repression and human rights abuses in Iran's theocratic system. The economy is not the only reason, but it is one of the most important reasons, of course, besides human rights violations. Protesters have articulated their deep frustrations with restrictions on freedom of expression, but also on arbitrary detentions, harsh prison conditions, and a political order that treats dissent as a crime.
We know that years of decades of censorship and also criminalization of peaceful assembly and cyber repression have somehow compounded ordinary grievances into broader demands for dignity and rights. Women, students, doctors, workers, queer individuals, and ethnic and religious minorities, pretty much all Iranians, confronted the state, a state that aggressively curtails Iranians' basic civil liberties, and that makes the current unrest a moment where economic distress and long-standing rights violations intersect.
Q: What are some of the most common misconceptions or misleading narratives currently circulating about the protests in Iran, and what key contextual information should students understand in order to critically assess media coverage?
A: There are so many misconceptions, but I can name three of them. One misconception is that this is just about the economy. That's a huge misconception because while the rial's collapse and rising hunger were a spark for the current protest, the rapid spread of anti-government slogans, including explicit critiques of the Supreme Leader of Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, points to political frustration that goes well beyond those short-term hardships.
Another misconception would be that online content from Iran is straightforward and factual. We know that Iranian authorities have repeatedly shut down Internet access to suppress news of protests, which complicates efforts to verify videos and accounts.
Another misconception is that all protesters want the same outcome. That's not true. We know that some diaspora communities show the pre-1979 revolution lion and sun flag as a symbol of resistance. But inside Iran, people's goals differ. They range from economic relief to genuine democratic reform, and not all aspire to the restoration of the monarchy, the Pahlavi dynasty. The majority of current protesters are chanting Pahlavi's name, because they see him as their only rescuer. But Iran is going through a lot. It's important to pay attention to the context, because context really matters when interpreting these symbols. Some of the context that students and researchers should understand, especially in the United States, is that the government of Iran under-reports casualties and labels protesters as rioters or extremists as a way of justifying their massacre.
Q: Reports suggest that despite internet restrictions and communication blackouts, activist networks inside Iran continue to share updates, while others argue that a complete shutdown is unlikely due to its impact on essential government services such as banking and healthcare. How reliable is the information emerging from Iran, and what challenges exist in obtaining an accurate and comprehensive picture of events on the ground?
A: What experts note is that there are several challenges. Some of the major ones are that authorities have a track record of censoring online communication during unrest. That makes it difficult for journalists and for human rights groups to obtain real-time data and evidence of violence, arrests, and even death. They usually come from informal networks or diaspora sources that can't be verified on the ground.
But we also see that ordinary citizens are recording. Whenever they get a chance, or if they travel abroad, they publish them or send them to major Persian news agencies outside of Iran.
Official statements, when released, often undercount casualties or frame events in ways that align with state narratives, a pattern that can appear even in mainstream Western media. There are numerous instances where media outlets invite state-affiliated researchers while refusing to include independent researchers who are observing and analyzing the social unrest and resistance movements firsthand. Raising awareness is crucial because when media platforms echo or amplify the narratives of the Iranian regime, they risk reinforcing the authority of an already violent government.
This is the biggest massacre of contemporary times of a government against its own nation and civilians. That said, independent reporting from human rights NGOs like the Human Rights Activists News Agency, which has tracked arrests and deaths across multiple protests, could provide crucial verification when possible. Cross-referencing these multiple independent organizations and also eyewitness testimonies, which are coming out now slowly, remain essential for an accurate humanitarian assessment.
Q: How does Iran's theocratic political structure influence the everyday social, economic, and cultural experiences of its citizens?
A: Iran's political system is a hybrid theocracy and republic, which means ultimate authority lies with the supreme leader of the country, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, and a constellation of unelected clerical institutions. This structure shapes daily life in multiple ways. In Iran, civil liberties are heavily constrained. Freedom of expression and peaceful assembly are systematically restricted.
Protesters face violence and repression. They face arbitrary detention, and in many cases, death sentences. The legal system in Iran enforces conformity. Charges such as "Moharebeh," meaning waging war against God, reveal how the Iranian legal system is leveraged to suppress dissent under the guise of religion and national security. While framed as a protection of the state and society, this capital offense is frequently applied to peaceful protesters, labeling them as spies for Israel, the United States, or other foreign powers. Such practices raise profound concerns about the protection of fundamental rights, including due process, access to legal representation, and fair trial standards. Individuals accused under these laws often face secretive proceedings, coerced confessions, and trials that fall far short of international norms.
Then they have social regulations. Invasion of privacy is enforced by the state. We know that women and queer communities face strict laws, including the dress code. Compulsory hijab and moral policing are embedded in law enforcement, which also contributes to broader resentment over personal freedoms. Then, economic power and state patronage systems allocate opportunities that unevenly link economic outcome to political loyalty rather than merit. For many Iranians, the systemic restrictions shape education, cultural expression, and how families even engage with the state.
Q: What role, if any, should the United States or other international actors play in responding to protest-related violence in Iran, particularly with regard to protecting civilian lives, while respecting national sovereignty?
A: Since October 7, American academic institutions and the mainstream media have closely covered the war in Gaza, and they continue to report on conflicts across the globe. Yet when it comes to Iran, there is a striking silence. The ongoing protests, the state's lethal crackdowns, and the systematic targeting of civilians are rarely given the attention they deserve. What is happening in Iran is no less significant than the crises in Ukraine, Gaza, or Somalia - these are human lives at stake, and each life carries equal weight. It is both striking and deeply tragic that much of the world, not just the United States, appears to turn a blind eye to the brutality of the Iranian regime.
After killing thousands of civilians, the Islamic Republic is now going house to house to punish those who dared to protest and crush any potential flicker of further resistance, and tens of thousands of detainees are now at grave risk, as are untold numbers of injured protesters desperately trying to escape identification by rampaging security forces. In this context, documentation and accountability are essential, including support for independent investigations and fact‑finding mechanisms such as the United Nations Independent International Fact‑Finding Mission on the Islamic Republic of Iran, which is mandated to collect evidence, analyze human rights violations, and preserve information for possible future accountability.
Another human-rights-centered approach would be academic and scientific solidarity as a form of protection, because equally important is the need to protect and sustain Iran's intellectual and scientific community, which is under systemic pressure and attack through surveillance, travel bans, and imprisonment. Scholars, students, researchers, and even doctors are often targeted. What the United States and its partners should do is support Iranian and Iranian-diaspora academic networks through emergency placements for at-risk scholars. They can create protected transnational research spaces where Iranian social scientists, political scientists, artists, and human rights researchers can collaborate freely with peers in the U.S., Europe, and beyond. They can also sustain long-term dialogue between Iranian and international scholars to prevent the regime's isolation tactics from severing Iran's intellectual and cultural lifelines to the world.
What I'm hoping to see are advocacy measures and global accountability mechanisms rather than coercive control.
Q: How can students and individuals outside Iran express solidarity or support for the Iranian people during periods of political and social unrest?
A: We need the support of people from all over the world, and those Iranians who are engaged in critical thinking, such as philosophers, artists, activists, educators, writers, poets, and students from different disciplines.
The Iranian regime is using advanced technologies to spread state propaganda but also shift the attention of the world to conflicts in the Middle East rather than to protests in Iran. Global audiences become a lifeline for truth, and that can help ensure that repression does not happen in silence and isolation.
Global attention does not weaken Iran. In fact, it strengthens Iranian civil society through protection, protecting people's right to speak, to be seen, and to be heard. History tells us that authoritarian systems are the most dangerous when they operate in darkness. Now we live in an interconnected world. Whatever happens in Iran affects the United States and the entire world. International dialogue and solidarity are often the only protections left when domestic institutions are silenced.
Q: How are you personally responding to what is currently unfolding in Iran?
A: I feel profound sadness, and I see this as a form of global apartheid that is destroying our lives. Whether we live in Iran or in the diaspora, we are cut off from our families, often left not knowing whether they are alive or have been killed. What is most heartbreaking is the overwhelming silence. The silence of the world in the face of one of the largest and most brutal massacres in recent history.
I want to raise awareness because very few people, especially in the United States, fully understand what is happening in Iran. It is a dark and dangerous time for Iranian students, educators, and anyone who has fled the country due to human rights abuses. Daily life is shifting dramatically under the weight of repression, and our realities shift with it every single day. My family remains in Iran, and I have friends across the country; many acquaintances have been killed during the recent protests. Reliable statistics are scarce, but nearly everyone knows someone who has lost their life.
For many of us living in exile, navigating the intersections of violence, displacement, and life in the humanities and social sciences, life has become a hybrid reality. We have been shaped into what could be called "global humans," able to shift between languages, cultures, and knowledge systems, yet this very adaptability can make it difficult for host societies to fully understand who we are. The recent internet blackout in Iran has made the rupture feel even more acute: our online communities, our connections to home, and the lifelines to our families and friends are suddenly severed.
I know this personally. I have lived in exile for almost a decade, unable to return to Iran, while my family has been barred from visiting me in the United States because of travel bans. Even with technology, the distance has been painful, but now, with communication cut off, the rupture feels absolute, which underscores both the human and emotional toll of repression, exile, and the challenge of living between worlds.
In the past few days, I received a few brief calls from friends in Iran, not from my family, and in those moments, the fear was palpable. Everyone is scared, many are crying and screaming, and some have even taken their own lives, driven by both terror and hunger. Ordinary people, those who once had enough to eat, to travel, to study, have lost their economic stability, and many are being killed in the streets. Many have also lost their eyes, been arrested, or have disappeared.
