In an historic moment for the modern monarchy, Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor has been arrested on suspicion of misconduct in public office. It is the first arrest involving a senior royal in four centuries.
The former Prince and Duke of York was detained on his 66th birthday at his home in Sandringham. He remained in custody for 11 hours before being released under investigation.
The arrest follows years of controversy linking Andrew to the Epstein files, which led to his formal royal titles being stripped on 6 November.
While the royal family has sought to distance itself from Andrew, the latest allegations – distinct from previous sexual offence claims – centre on the alleged sharing of confidential information with Jeffrey Epstein during Andrew's tenure as Trade Envoy. If proven, the claims could intensify scrutiny of the centuries-old institution.
Zita Rohr, Honorary Research Fellow in the School of Humanities at Macquarie University and political historian of premodern monarchy, gender, and royal and court studies, says the allegations are serious both historically and institutionally.
"In the past, this would have been treated as treason and could have meant imprisonment in the Tower of London while awaiting execution," Rohr says. "If the allegations are substantiated, they are extremely serious.
"Involvement with someone like Epstein places not only Andrew but the institution of monarchy itself under threat."
The institution of monarchy has long been entangled in scandal, political conflict and succession disputes. As Rohr notes, history offers many examples of royal misconduct intersecting with matters of state and power.
Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor has been arrested on suspicion of misconduct in public office. Photograph: Dan Kitwood/getty.com
"In earlier periods, most comparable charges would have been framed as treason, often tied to succession struggles or political power," she says.
"Elizabeth I executed her sister Mary, Queen of Scots, over fears that she was amassing troops and supporters to remove her from the throne – a highly treasonous act and dangerous to the well-being of the state and its legitimate monarch.
"The Tudor period saw repeated executions over religious and political disputes. Henry VIII executed two of his wives, Anne Boleyn and Catherine Howard for adultery and treason.
"Fearing that the Catholic Mary Tudor would restore Catholicism, Edward VI named his Protestant cousin Lady Jane Grey as his successor. However, the privy council soon replaced Jane – the nine day queen – with Mary, who then ordered Jane's arrest, trial, and execution for treason.
"These deeply political conflicts were often intensely personal, reminding us that monarchy is about family relationships as much as in power."
While the modern legal framework is vastly different, Rohr argues that allegations involving misuse of public office inevitably carry political weight. Yet, it is a difficult case to prove as it relies on an intent to abuse power holding a public office.
The arrest has also renewed scrutiny of King Charles III and how much he may have known of his brother's conduct, despite the clear efforts to distance the monarchy from Andrew. He has pledged his complete and full cooperation in any police investigation – whatever its eventual consequences for his younger sibling.
Historically, monarchies have operated on the principle of the "heir and the spare" – the firstborn to inherit and the second to support the institution in other roles.
"The spare has to find a purpose," Rohr explains. "There are historical examples, particularly in France, where younger brotherssuch Philippe d'Orléans younger brother of Louis XIV, carved out successful roles in governance, farming, or business in spite of their earlier supposed 'wild years'."
In Andrew's case, his appointment as Trade Envoy was intended to give him a public function.
"The assumption may have been that the role was relatively contained," Rohr says. "But clearly, it carried significant responsibility."
Rohr also notes longstanding reports of behavioural concerns dating back to Andrew's youth. However, she emphasises that historical personality traits are separate from the current legal process.
"At 66, Andrew faces allegations that will now be tested through due legal process," she says.
The broader question is what this means for the monarchy.
Public confidence in constitutional institutions depends heavily on perceptions of integrity and accountability. While the monarchy has weathered crises before, this moment presents a fresh test.
"Depending on the legal outcome, the consequences for Andrew personally may be significant," Rohr says.
"The longer-term impact on the monarchy will depend on how transparently and responsibly the institution responds. That will be the real test."
For now, the focus shifts from palace intrigue to legal process. Whether this episode becomes a footnote in royal history or a defining moment for the modern monarchy will depend on what unfolds next.
Zita Rohr is an Honorary Research Fellow in the School of Humanities at Macquarie University and political historian of premodern monarchy, gender, and royal and court studies.
