DEPUTY SECRETARY LANDAU: Thank you, Mr. Chair, Secretary General Ramdin, ministers, ambassadors, colleagues:
It's an honor to address you today on behalf of the United States of America. Let me begin by thanking the government and the people of Antigua and Barbuda for hosting this assembly in their beautiful country and for their warm hospitality. It's great to be back in the Caribbean, which has been inextricably intertwined with my own country throughout our history. In fact, one of my country's most prominent Founding Fathers, Alexander Hamilton, was born on the nearby island of Nevis. The success of United States can be attributed in part to this one man's genius.
On behalf of the United States of America and Secretary of State Marco Rubio, I am pleased to extend our congratulations to the new Secretary General of this Organization, Albert Ramdin. Secretary General Ramdin, we certainly hope that your tenure proves successful, and that we'll be able to work together to make our entire Western Hemisphere safer, stronger, and more prosperous, which is what we're trying to do in our own country as well.
I think you're all aware that this hemisphere is a special priority for both Secretary Rubio and me. In fact, when the Secretary and I first discussed the possibility of my serving as deputy secretary after the election last November, he asked me if there were any reason that I thought we might not make a good team. I truthfully answered that he was a Western Hemisphere guy and I was a Western Hemisphere guy, so maybe he'd be better off with someone with a specialty in another part of the world, like the Middle East or East Asia. He shook his head and said it was exactly the opposite. He was concerned that his duties might pull him to other parts of the world and wanted to make sure that we didn't take our eye off this hemisphere, so that the fact that he and I had the same regional focus was actually a plus and not a minus.
So I sit before you here today to reaffirm our commitment to the hemisphere, as someone who grew up not just in my own country but also in Canada, Paraguay, Chile, and Venezuela, and most recently lived in Mexico. And I always feel an obligation to recognize and thank the great nation of Colombia, which gave refuge to my father's family when they fled their native Austria in the dark days before World War II, and to note that my own grandparents are buried outside of Bogotá.
Secretary Rubio and I very much hope that we can count on this organization as a valuable partner. As some of you may know, the United States was a driving force behind the first Pan American conference, which convened in Washington, D.C., in 1889. We can talk about the Congress of Panama some other time. That conference took place just a dozen years after the ill-fated French intervention in Mexico, and focused on fostering commerce, addressing boundary disputes, and preventing external interference in the hemisphere. It led to the creation of the International Union of American States, which in turn became the Pan American Union in 1910, and eventually the OAS in 1948. So we recognize and respect that this organization has deep roots that extend back almost 150 years.
But at the same time we must ask ourselves how the organization remains relevant today, and whether it's achieving its lofty and noble goals. Article I of the OAS Charter states that member states established the organization, quote, "to achieve an order of peace and justice, to promote their solidarity, to strengthen their collaboration, and to defend their sovereignty, their territorial integrity, and their independence," unquote. Can we really say that the organization is succeeding in these goals today?
We in the United States Government are currently reviewing that very question. As you may be aware, President Trump issued an executive order in the first days of this administration directing the Secretary of State within six months to review all international organizations of which the United States is a member to determine whether such membership is in the interests of the United States and whether such organizations can be reformed. Upon the conclusion of that review, the Secretary must report his findings to the President and recommend whether the U.S. should withdraw from any such organization. That review remains ongoing, and the OAS is obviously one of the organizations we're reviewing.
To be quite frank, and I'm a very frank person, I'm not sure I can predict how that review will turn out. That's certainly something I'm open to discussing at this meeting so no one can say they're surprised.
Let's look at some of the relevant cases. Last year, the entire world witnessed a brazenly stolen election in Venezuela. The opposition not only won overwhelmingly, but had the evidence to prove it - the "actas." The regime didn't even bother seriously to dispute the validity of the "actas" or the electoral fraud. In response to that brazen electoral fraud, what has this organization done? As far as we can tell, nothing of substance. The Chavez/Maduro regime has taken Venezuela from one of the most prosperous nations in our hemisphere to one of the most wretched, subjecting its people to abject poverty and political repression, and leaving millions with little choice but to flee. Many if not most of the nations represented around this table are home to hundreds, thousands, tens of thousands, hundreds of thousands, or even millions of Venezuelan refugees. As recently as last month, the Venezuelan regime ran another sham legislative and regional election that lacked transparency and fairness and included a controversial vote purporting to elect Venezuelan representatives to govern Guyana's Essequibo state.
If this organization is unwilling or unable to respond to or remedy this situation, where a regime openly thumbs its nose at international norms and threatens the territorial integrity of its neighbor, then we must ask what's the point of the organization.
Similarly disheartening is the ongoing crisis in Haiti. Armed gangs control the streets and ports of the capital city, and public order there has all but collapsed. While Haiti descends into chaos, the unfolding humanitarian, security, and governance crisis reverberates across the region. And again, what has this organization done? Right now, a basic modicum of security is provided by a Kenyan-led multilateral force blessed by the UN. The United States has committed almost a billion dollars to this force. We commend the deployment of security force personnel and other contributions from some of the nations represented in this room that made the mission possible, but the United States cannot continue shouldering this heavy financial burden.
That's why the United States welcomes a role for the OAS in responding to the political crisis in Haiti. Again, if the OAS is unwilling or unable to play a constructive role in Haiti, then we must seriously ask ourselves why the OAS exists.
And just let me be clear: I'm not bringing up Venezuela and Haiti to point a finger of blame. Rather, I'm here to extend a hand of friendship to this organization and anyone who will take it. But friendship is a two-way street. Secretary Rubio and I have to be able to tell our President and our people that our substantial investment in this organization benefits our country. I'm not sure that we're in a position to do that right now, and I'm asking you in good faith to help me make that case.
Frankly, I'm afraid that at least some member states, and perhaps even some outside observers, see this organization as a forum to needle the United States. I regret that, as this organization at least theoretically can play a valuable role in improving the economic, social, and political conditions for all the people of this hemisphere. Everyone is always talking about the Asian "tiger" economies. But as we all seek to build more resilient supply chains in our hemisphere, I'd love to help channel U.S. capital towards the rest of the region to develop Western Hemisphere "jaguar" economies. I sincerely hope that we can have some tangible signs of interest in engaging constructively with the United States in this forum.
In this regard, we've nominated Rosa María Payá to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights. In order to achieve credibility and success, the commission must prioritize the gravest and most urgent human rights abuses and violations, especially where domestic remedies are unavailable.
Rosa Maria Payá is a principled advocate for democracy and human rights. Her moral clarity, principled conviction, and lived experience make her an ideal voice for this body. On behalf of the United States, and Secretary Rubio personally, I urge member states to vote for her in tomorrow's election.
Colleagues, this is not a time for mere words and slogans about hemispheric solidarity. It's time for the OAS to show results. Let's stand with the people of Venezuela and Haiti not just in word but in deed. Let's reject authoritarian and anti-democratic regimes and those that seek to pursue political vendettas through the judicial process. Let's affirm our sovereign right to secure our borders, uphold democratic norms, and strengthen this organization through action, not rhetoric.
The bottom line is that the United States is uniquely positioned at this juncture to be an active partner in the hemisphere. We'd like this organization to be part of the solution, not the problem, and look forward to constructive engagement over the next two days and beyond. Thank you. Gracias. Obrigado. Merci.
